[BE4SI] CEE Regional Roundup - Issue #10
Our social impact sector recap of May 2026 from Central and Eastern Europe
Howdy, Ahoj, Čau, Cześć, Hallo BE4SI readers. Thank you for stopping by. 🌅
Our hyper-niche Substack translates the complex world of Central and Eastern European social impact for a global audience. Each month, we rewind what happened with nonprofits, philanthropy, and civil society in Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This digest is done as a set of capsule summary updates for each country, with links to additional information.
Our sources include advocacy groups and activists, foundations, independent media, investigative journalism, policy and research centers, and sector-wide media directly from the region.
By sharing viewpoints and voices, with supplemental information from mainstream media outlets, we hope to open up spaces which rarely get covered with any depth to a wider English-language audience.
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CEE Regional Roundup starts after the photo break…☕ 🍵
🇨🇿 Czechia
Large public demonstrations took place in cities across the country on 17 May and 24 May in support of Czech Television and Czech Radio, amid strong public opposition to a government proposal to change the funding models. Protesters oppose the plans to shift from licence-fee financing to direct state budget funding, as a threat to the editorial independence of the public broadcasters. [International Federation of Journalists, Expats.cz]
The government expanded the MONITOR platform. It now includes detailed data on subsidies and financial transfers from municipalities and regional authorities. This includes information on grants, contributions, and monetary support provided to recipients, including non-profit organizations. The rollout is presented as an effort to improve transparency and public accountability, while centralizing public financial data. The published data covers early 2026 reporting periods and will be updated regularly. [Czech Ministry of Finance, more]
The coalition government officially decided to abolish the Department for Human Rights and Protection of Minorities (Odbor pro lidská práva a ochranu menšin) directly within the centralized Office of the Government. The move would eliminate or remove several mandates— including human rights, gender equality, protection of minorities, mental health and addiction prevention— and split/redistribute the policy agendas across various agencies and departments. This move sparked immediate, intense public outcry and pushback from civil society organizations, former government officials, and social care experts. A growing number of civil society leaders have tendered their resignations— or intent to resign— from government advisory councils via social media platforms. [Romea.cz, more]. Former Commissioner for Human Rights, Klára Šimáčková Laurenčíková, has been providing insightful commentary and updates on developments via LinkedIn here.
Migrant-rights organizations have raised concerns about a draft proposal of the Foreigners Act. The proposal introduces stricter documentation requirements and higher income thresholds for non-EU family members of Czech citizens compared to EU nationals. Civil society groups argue this could disadvantage non-EU spouses and relatives, while potentially affect family reunification rights. This follows on an earlier decision by the Interior Ministry to end EU co-financed legal aid services for asylum seekers managed by NGO contractors. The subsidized services have been replaced with a centrally contracted commercial legal service run by a private law firm at a cost of CZK 23 million (~ EUR 950k). [VisaHQ News, more]
For the first time since the aftermath of World War II, the annual Sudetendeutscher Tag (Sudeten German Day) was hosted on Czech soil. This year in Brno, the annual assembly celebrated ethnic Germans and their descendants who were forcibly expelled from Czechoslovakia. Prime Minister Andrej Babiš and his governing coalition officially opposed the gathering, calling it “a provocation.” It also prompted protests from citizens and lawmakers who argued that hosting the event in the city where the notorious “Brno Death March” began was an insult to the victims of Nazism. Organizers and peace advocates viewed the assembly as a crucial, symbolic milestone for healing and dialogue between Czechs and Germans, focusing on the future and shared European identity. [DW.com]
Česká televize is accepting applications from nonprofit organizations to participate in a charitable special edition of the television program “Co naše babičky uměly a na co my jsme zapomněli” (“What our grandmothers knew and what we have forgotten“). The program focuses on intergenerational cooperation, traditional skills, ecology, and active aging. Applicants must submit organizational presentations and proposals for integrating their activities and participants into the program, including representatives and clients willing to appear on air. Expressions of interest due 8 June 2026. [Fórum dárců/Czech Donors Forum]
The Council of Europe’s Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) published compliance reports on Czechia covering corruption prevention for elected legislators, judges, and prosecutors. The report states that out of 14 recommendations, 8 have been fully implemented and 6 partially implemented. It notes full implementation of recommendations concerning prosecutors, near completion for judges, and partial progress for members of parliament, particularly regarding lobbying transparency. Further improvements are still required in parliamentary integrity measures. [COE GRECO, more]
Česká spořitelna, Nadace České spořitelny, and Nadace Via are accepting applications for the “Silnější hybatelé” (“Stronger Movers“) community leadership program. The initiative supporting local civic actors in selected Czech regions through mentoring, training, networking, and regional grants. The program targets people with at least one year of community or civic engagement experience and runs from autumn to winter 2026. This round targets the Beskydy Mountains (Frýdek Místek, the Pobeskydí and Frýdlantsko-Beskydy MAS), Karlovy Vary Region (Cheb Region), Liberec region (Frýdlant region, municipalities of Oldřichov v Hájích and Mníšek), and Vysočina (districts of Havlíčkův Brod and Pelhřimov). Applications accepted until 15 June 2026 [CSAS.cz]
🇭🇺 Hungary
What specific strategic shifts in philanthropy, foundations, and funding models should NGOs and civil society anticipate among Hungary’s changing political environment? [Alliance Magazine]
The elections involved cooperation between various political movements. Their efforts to create a unified political front entailed some serious logistical challenges en route to the development of shared policy goals. Possible roadmaps for others elsewhere? [International Democracy Community]
What factors will influence the durability of democratic shifts and the stability of the current political landscape? Don’t discount the long-term viability of the recent wave of political enthusiasm, which itself was build upon significant civic mobilization. [4Liberty.eu]
Hungary has a long list of economic and social adjustments ahead, in order to meet international regulatory requirements and norms. Aligining domestic policies with European Union standards after a long time off course is quite a task. [IPS News]
Transparency and anti-corruption frameworks are an area of primary concern. What are the key reforms needed, and what potential obstacles exist in within the current administrative and legal structures. [Bribery Matters]
“Women arrive who have never been to anything like this before. Uncertain, a little tentative. Then something shifts. They realise that the exhaustion they have been carrying, the sense of constantly falling short, is not a personal failure. It is structural, and the system is designed to make things hard for them. ‘The closer someone gets to that realisation, the closer we are to this country becoming a little more liveable.’ " [more] ht Lazy Women. Also check out “How I Joined the Worldwide Commentary Brigade on Defeating Populism (4-for-1 Hungarian Sale)” by Barbora Bukovska [more]
The challenges of maintaining individual and collective freedom within the framework of European integration and national sovereignty are one thing. Consider too the philosophical and political implications of democratic participation in a multi-layered governance system as well. [The New Federalist]
Data-driven assessment of the legal rights and social conditions for LGBTI individuals in Hungary. [Rainbow Map]
Flashback to the 1989-1990 transition. Was there a fundamental failure to establish broad social ownership of the democratic system? And was there missed steps to adequately address accountability, justice, or inequality. The 2026 transition has an opportunity to avoid those (and other missteps). But it’s hard to do without wider social participation, in order to build a more durable democratic order. [HVG360, paywalled]
In April, a formal submission was made to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review regarding the state of academic freedom and institutional autonomy in Hungary. The evidence of pressure on educational institutions and recommendations for safeguarding scholarly independence are worth noting. [Scholars at Risk]
Structural issues in media ownership and distribution remain significant obstacles to information pluralism in the post-election Hungarian media landscape. [Media Diversity Institute]
Is the political trajectory of Péter Magyar in Hungary anywhere reminiscent of Donald Tusk in Poland? Similar institutional challenges and shared communication styles make for interesting comparisons. [OKO.press]
The annual Civil Award prize and gala celebrates Hungarian non-profit organizations for their social impact and community development. Learn more about this year’s winners. [Nonprofit.hu]
🇵🇱 Poland
YouTuber Piotr “Łatwogang” Hancke conducted a record-breaking 9-day non-stop charity livestream from Warsaw, raised over PLN 276 million (~ EUR 65 million) for the Cancer Fighters Foundation. This reportedly set a new global Guinness World Record for a single livestream fundraiser. Just a few weeks later, the influencer initiated a new live challenge titled “Zakopane-Gdańsk,” in which he cycles across Poland to maintain support for the foundation. [Polsat, Wirtualne Media]
YouTuber Karol “Friz” Wiśniewski has faced public criticism over his use of a family foundation to manage investments and potentially minimize capital gains tax. During a May 2026 interview on Channel Zero, he defended the strategy, claiming it is a legal tool for long-term wealth preservation rather than tax evasion. The controversy intensified following reports that the influencer attempted to improve his public image during a separate appearance with fellow creator Łatwogang. Despite his explanations, the “tax scandal” has sparked a wider debate in Poland about the ethical use of family foundations by high-earning individuals. [Bankier.pl]
The National Institute of Freedom released a report titled analyzing charitable behavior from 2019 to 2025. The data shows that while over half of Poles declare financial support for social causes, only a small percentage (4% to 10%) actually engage in regular, repetitive donations. The report emphasizes that systemic stimulation is necessary to move donors from one-off contributions to stable, long-term support. Experts note that Polish philanthropy levels remain lower than in many other European countries despite recent surges during the pandemic and war in Ukraine. [NIW-CRSO, ESG Trends]
The Non-Governmental Institute for Civil Society and Partnership (PISOP) launched a comprehensive survey in May 2026 to analyze funding trends within the Polish NGO sector. The study aims to identify the most significant financial challenges facing organizations, including access to grants and private donations. May has been designated as a month focused on the financial health of non-profits to encourage broader participation in the data collection. Results from this survey are intended to provide evidence-based insights for future advocacy and policy recommendations. [PISOP]
Business English for Social Impact (BE4SI) recently appeared on the TVP World public affairs program “Between the Lines” to discuss strategic philanthropy in Poland and the CEE Region. [Substack Notes, YouTube]
The Act on Population Protection and Civil Defense allows non-governmental organizations to join the civil protection system by signing agreements with local administrations. However, after over a year of implementation, critics argue that vague legal provisions have led to inconsistent application of the law across different regions. Meanwhile, the recent meeting of the Public Benefit Works Council focused on the finance ministry’s impact on civil society growth. The council highlighted that a lack of favorable fiscal incentives for NGOs could stall long-term civic projects. Representatives called for more transparent communication between the Ministry and social organizations to resolve these systemic barriers. [ngo.pl, more]
Legislation targeting strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) has returned to the Sejm following the inclusion of key amendments by the Senate. The revised bill aims to provide better protection for journalists and activists against meritless legal actions designed to silence public criticism. Supporters of the amendments argue they are essential for aligning Polish law with new European Union directives on media freedom. The Sejm is now tasked with reviewing the Senate’s changes before the final vote on the act. [XYZ.pl]
Nearly ten and a half years later, Poland's triple crises regarded constitutional authority, the rule of law, and the integrity of the judiciary has evolved into an unprecedented institutional standoff. As of April 2026, a "dual legal system" continues. The Constitutional Tribunal operates in parallel, hostile factions. The tribunal's president has physically locked newly appointed judges out of the building, prompting an internal revolt and public solidarity meetings by judicial council members denied entry. [Eastflank.eu]
As of May 2026, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the refusal of Poland’s president to appoint judges recommended by the National Council of the Judiciary violates the European Convention. The case, which originated 12 years ago, highlighted the lack of a judicial appeal process against such presidential decisions. This ruling establishes that the President’s discretionary power in judicial appointments must be subject to legal oversight. [ECHR]
Members of Parliament from the Law and Justice (PiS) party, accompanied by Telewizja Republika staff, entered the National Prosecutor’s Office in Warsaw by force. The group moved through the building’s corridors while broadcasting the event live, claiming they were conducting a parliamentary intervention. Reports indicate that security personnel did not intervene or halt the group’s progress during the live stream. Detailed minute-by-minute reconstructions of the entry suggest the incident was intended to protest recent personnel changes in the prosecution service. [Telewizja Republika]
A Polish MSWiA draft regulation proposes limiting independent deportation oversight by requiring the Border Guard to notify NGOs of forced removals just two hours in advance. The Polish Commissioner for Human Rights warns that this creates a one-hour, logistically impossible window for monitoring. [RPO]
A former parliamentary member office employee, who also served as a local councillor, has been charged with fraud and document forgery related to the Justice Fund. The investigation alleges that she misused her position to misappropriate funds intended for victim assistance and social reintegration. This case is part of a larger ongoing probe into systemic abuses of the Justice Fund under the previous administration. [TVP Info]
President Karol Nawrocki vetoed a government bill in May 2026 that would have permitted “out-of-court” divorces for couples without minor children. The President characterized the bill as “socially harmful,” arguing it would devalue the institution of marriage and negatively impact demographics. Some observers view the veto as a political maneuver to challenge the authority of the Tusk government and its judicial reform allies. Currently, Poland remains an outlier in Europe, where many countries have simplified divorce procedures to reduce the burden on formal court systems [Notes From Poland, Polskie Radio]
In late April, a Warsaw court completely cleared Women’s Strike leaders Marta Lempart and Marta Puczyńska of all charges stemming from their protests against the rejection of the 2024 abortion decriminalization bill. The police had tried to prosecute them for using swear words in public, and for failing to control the crowd during the demonstrations. However, the judge threw the case out, ruling that their anger and strong language were entirely justified political reactions after the government broke its 2023 election promises to reform abortion laws. The court strongly emphasized that peaceful protest is a core democratic right. [OKO.press]
An increasing number of Civil Registry Offices (USC) in Poland are transcribing same-sex marriage certificates issued abroad using standard existing forms. This trend follows recent court rulings, including a significant Warsaw registration in May 2024 that cited EU freedom-of-movement obligations. Local officials are moving forward with these transcriptions without waiting for the central government to finalize specific new regulations. The move provides couples with domestic recognition of their status, which is essential for residence and administrative rights. [Los Angeles Times, Polskie Radio]
🇸🇰 Slovakia
On 20 May 2026, the European Parliament approved a resolution expressing concern about democratic backsliding and alleged misuse of EU funds in Slovakia under the coalition government of Robert Fico. The resolution passed by 347 votes to 165 and urged the European Commission to consider freezing future EU funding if rule-of-law concerns continue. The vote intensified political tensions between Slovakia’s governing coalition and opposition parties. Government representatives rejected the criticism as politically motivated interference from Brussels. [European Parliament]
Michal Šimečka, leader of Progressive Slovakia (Progresívne Slovensko), the main liberal opposition party, continued to face mounting scrutiny. Allegations of financial irregularities stem from his connections to the civic association Projekt Fórum. The association was led by his mother. Media reports described allegedly falsified accounting records, disputed invoices, and questionable grant accounting linked to the organization. Šimečka has repeatedly denied involvement and stated he would file a criminal complaint while acknowledging the controversy could politically damage Progressive Slovakia. [Aktuality.sk, ta3]
Early in May, representatives from ruling party Smer-SD held a press conference accusing the Stop Corruption Foundation of rigging the 2023 elections. Why? Because it encouraged young people to vote. Politician Tibor Gašpar used this as an excuse to propose new laws that would stop charities and NGOs from influencing future elections. The foundation clapped back, saying the government is just scared of young voters. [STVR, TASR, Prešovský večerník]
Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok continued controversial personnel changes within the Slovak police force. Opposition parties and critics accused the ministry of politically motivated dismissals targeting experienced investigators and police officials. Government representatives argued the changes were part of institutional restructuring and restoring trust in law enforcement. The dismissals added to broader rule-of-law concerns already being discussed at the European level. [SME.sk]
Slovak National Party (SNS) chairman Andrej Danko is a prominent nationalist politician and leader in the governing coalition. He recently demanded the dismissal of Environment Minister Tomáš Taraba, a member of SNS. Taraba has defended his record and refused to resign voluntarily. Environmental groups and opposition politicians aren’t too keen on those national park zoning proposals overseen by Taraba— along with other ongoing disputes over forestry, tourism, and land-use policy. [SME, Denník N, MY Liptov, Teraz.sk]
The Supreme Court affirmed the guilt of former Smer-SD MP Ľubica Rošková in a case involving the fraudulent use of EU agricultural subsidies. The case involved subsidies claimed for land that was not agricultural in nature, including paved surfaces. The court imposed a two-year suspended sentence with a three-year probationary period, a €10,000 fine, and a ban on applying for EU funds during probation. [The Slovak Spectator]
Roma affairs plenipotentiary Alexander Daško lost authority over the distribution of EU funding streams in May 2026 after sustained criticism regarding projects intended to support Roma communities. Critics alleged nepotism, clientelism, and a lack of measurable results, including allegations that grants were channelled to an association led by their spouse. Slovak authorities reassessed competence and financial controls, transferring funding decisions to the head of the Government Office. [Denník N, Pravda]
Rudolf Huliak, the Minister of Tourism and Sport, sparked political backlash by criticizing the state's arts funding and proposing strict, controversial work requirements for Roma communities. He complained that the Fund for the Support of the Arts is failing to properly fund local folklore events. Throwing controversial culture minister Martina Šimkovičová underr the bus, he stated his ministry will no longer step in to pay for the arts fund's mistakes. Adding to this, he proposed employment measures targeting Roma communities using language critics described as stigmatising. [Pravda, STVR]
A langoš vendor in Kvetoslavov was fined €1,500 by the Financial Administration for missing diacritics on a receipt and displaying incorrectly spelled menu items. The penalty triggered a fierce national debate regarding bureaucratic overreach, proportionality, and strict language enforcement. The fine for the missing hook is being abolished and a change in the law is being prepared. [STVR, Novinky.cz]
The ongoing trial regarding the 2018 assassination of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová is currently focused on proving who ordered the crime, as the actual hitmen are already serving prison sentences. While the suspected masterminds were initially acquitted due to a lack of evidence, higher courts ordered a retrial, leading to new hearings in May 2026 before the Specialised Criminal Court in Pezinok. During these proceedings, a convicted middleman testified against the accused planners, while also linking a former police chief and other figures to organized crime. This testimony aims to provide the definitive evidence required to legally establish who orchestrated the assassination. [SME (ongoing case tracker]
Former special prosecutor Jozef Čentéš was suddenly removed as head of Criminal Law at Comenius University’s Faculty of Law in Bratislava. Čentéš held the role for 11 years, and is a popular legal commentator and outspoken critic of PM Fico’s attempts to lower penalties for corruption offences and shorten the statute of limitation in criminal cases. The university confirmed he will remain a professor and the principal guarantor of criminal law. Around the same time, Slovak President Peter Pellegrini formally appointed five new rectors to the Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra , the University of St. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, the University of Constantine the Philosopher in Nitra, the University of Žilina, and the DTI University. [Slovak Spectator, SITA]
It’s not a great look when a the head of government decides to make spontaneous public declarations on social media regarding their personal interpretations of a country’s constitution. Especially when it involves federal budgets, public finance, or local municipalities. Particularly when the governing coalition lacks the parliamentary votes to follow the legal means for amending or implementing constitutional provisions. [TASR, STVR]
Slovak trade unions and doctors’ organisations intensified disputes over part-time and multiple-employment arrangements and wage equity in healthcare. A 2024 finding from the Supreme Audit Office found that 42% of doctors worked for more than one employer simultaneously. Medical trade union LOZ called for legislation requiring disclosure of doctors holding abnormally high numbers of concurrent employment contracts. Union representatives argued that compensation structures remained unequal and conditions untenable. [SME, STVR Správy]
Ombudsman Róbert Dobrovodský challenged rules affecting churches and religious organisations. In a submission to the Constitutional Court, he argued that the requirement for 50,000 adult members to register a church conflicted with constitutional protections and equal treatment principles. He stated the threshold made registration de facto impossible and disproportionately restricted religious freedom. The filing was met with criticism and attacks from various government ministers, officials and religious factions. [TASR/Teraz.sk, Pravda]
The ruling coalition advanced its controversial proposal to ban postal voting from abroad. Critics accuse the government of silencing Slovaks who live abroad and diaspora voices. Coalition leaders maintain that the ban secures elections and protects the constitution. European policymakers warned that this law would make Slovakia the only country in the European Union to strip away overseas voting rights. [STVR Správy, SME]
The annual “Homofob roka” (Homophobe of the Year) poll highlights discriminatory and defamatory statements against LGBT+ people made by public figures. Advocates argue the poll acts as a critical mechanism for public accountability and countering hate speech. Critics charge this unfairly stigmatizes traditional or religious beliefs and contributes to broader polarization. Voting is open until 29 June 2026. [Inštitút ľudských práv]
A new Social Innovation Index aims to measure and map social innovation initiatives in Slovakia. The project aims to provide data on social impact ecosystems, nonprofit innovation, and collaboration between civic and business actors. The index was presented as a resource for policymakers, NGOs, and investors seeking better evidence on social innovation trends. [Pontis Foundation]
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Admin Notes
Business English for Social Impact advises nonprofit/non-governmental organizations, social enterprises, philanthropy and civil society groups with their strategy, development, capacity building and content needs. Since 2015, we’ve worked primarily with social impact efforts in Central and Eastern Europe, the United States, and beyond.
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