[BE4SI] CEE Regional Roundup - Issue #9

Our social impact sector recap of April 2026 from Central and Eastern Europe

Apr 16, 2026

Howdy, Ahoj, Čau, Cześć, Hallo BE4SI readers. Thank you for stopping by. 🌅

Each month, we give you a rewind on news about non-governmental organizations, and nonprofit sector activity in Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. We hope you will gain insights into the work, challenges, and opportunities for social impact in the Central and Eastern European region.

Each edition is intended for those who enjoy long slow reading at a leisurely pace. We pack a lot of info into each edition. But we also do not want you to rush through everything all at once! Slow down, take you time, and scroll in small bites. If you feel like breezing through everything in one sitting, cool. Just know there’s no pressure to enjoy this entire newsletter as quickly as possible. 🐌 🐢

🎁 Special Gift Code: During Spring, we’re officially celebrating our first full year of publishing on Substack. Enjoy a special discount of 70% off for the next 12 months. You’ll get full access to our archives, our monthly newsletter for social impact leaders, and , and our monthly roundup of social impact news from Central and Eastern Europe. Don’t delay— this special offer expires on 2 May 2026! 🎊 🍾

The CEE Regional Roundup starts after the photo break… ☕ 🍵

🇨🇿 Czechia

The controversial Czech “foreign agents” law has been shelved in its original form. The mover following significant backlash from civil society, academia, and EU observers. The initial proposal included mandatory registration for entities with foreign ties, with noncompliance resulting in fines of up to 15 million CZK (roughly €614,000) or a five-year ban on foreign funding. Despite the hold on the law, pressure on Czech non-profit organizations remains. Prime Minister Andrej Babiš and his allies are still pushing for a register of “political nonprofits” and are continuing to focus on foreign funding. Meanwhile, the government’s rhetoric continues to cast aspersions on NGOs as entities while exploring a range of budget, administrative, and regulatory curbs on NGO activities. The situation remains fluid, as the underlying intent to restrict or label certain civic activities continues to be a priority for the current leadership, with potential for renewed efforts to pass similar legislation in the future.

A draft amendment to the Czech Foreigners Act, aiming for implementation in Q3 2026, proposes stricter, centralized controls on migration, employment, and asylum, aligning with more rigid security policies. The draft is being actively reviewed by Parliament with widespread restrictions on asylum, residence, and employment expected to go into effect in the second half of 2026. The Consortium of NGOs Working with Migrants opposes the draft, highlighting that it imposes discriminatory income and documentation requirements on non-EU spouses and family members of Czech citizens, while creating high risk of legal uncertainty and marginalization. Objections note that the amendments, reflecting a shift to restrictive policies, grant excessive discretionary power to officials, creating obstacles for integration.

Via Clarita is a Czech philanthropic foundation and advisory organization focused on fostering a strategic, effective, and trust-based approach to philanthropy. It functions as a “hybrid” entity, combining educational and awareness-raising activities with expert consultancy for donors, family offices, and corporations. Jak podpořit neziskové organizace pod tlakem (How to Support Non-profit Organizations Under Pressure), its recent publication, is designed to assist donors in adapting to the challenging environment faced by non-profits

🕯️ Between leadership and authority lies a large gap for too many women in the Czech NGO sector.
🍃 Supporting charitable organizations in Czechia as an expat brings positive social impact. Use our quick guide to help your planning.
📌 Czech history and Black history converge. Learn more in our special essay.

🇭🇺 Hungary

Following the 12 April 2026 election results, Hungarian NGOs are emerging from “survival mode” with cautious optimism, anticipating a shift away from sixteen years of restricted operation. Before the election, independent NGOs and civil society faced immense pressure, with the Orbán government targeting them through the Sovereign Protection Law, designed to restrict funding and public discourse, according to reports in 2025 and early 2026. The election is widely seen, in part, as a turning point to “Russia-inspired” crackdowns on civil society.

Human Rights Watch and other NGO observers have stated publicly that incoming PM Peter Magyar’s Tisza Party must prioritize the dismantling of abusive laws and institutions used against civil society by defeated incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Top items include eliminating the Sovereignty Protection Office (established in 2024 to monitor foreign-funded NGOs). NGO leaders indicated that actual operational shifts would take time and that independent organizations need to rebuild the institutions that were previously weakened.

Another top item on the list: Terminating state funding for the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC), a government-organized non-governmental organization (GONGO). MCC was heavily funded by the Orbán regime to create a pro-Fidesz, elite talent-building network, often operating outside traditional higher education structures. Magyar’s Tisza party pledged to stop taxpayer money from funding what it deems to be a political network, aiming to recover state assets—including massive shares in oil and pharmaceutical companies—granted to the MCC. As an “illiberal academy” the MCC promotes a conservative, anti-migrant, and nationalist worldview, with significant influence extending into European intellectual circles. It presents itself as a tax-exempt educational institution with “sound financial management”— aka an NGO. The new government administration views it as a prime example of misused public funds intended to cement political, rather than academic, influence. This move comes after years of the Fidesz government restricting and labeling independent NGOs while using public funds to build the MCC’s infrastructure.

And then there’s CPAC, the prominent American conservative nonprofit network that connects politicians, donors, and ideologically aligned institutions across countries. It operates as a transnational political advocacy platform rather than a domestic civic organization. And it turns out that CPAC-affiliated entities in Hungary received financial support linked to the outgoing Orbán administration, including the use of Hungarian taxpayer funds. These funds are alleged to have been routed through state-linked foundations and partner institutions rather than direct transfers. The result is that public money may have been used to sustain a foreign political nonprofit ecosystem operating in Hungary. This comes in the context of Orbán’s long-running domestic policy of targeting NGOs and civil society groups as “foreign influence” actors.

✨ Hungarian NGOs are witnessing rising numbers of women leaders and managers. But are they truly free to lead?
🌿 Hungarian charities do incredible work. You can help as an expat. Our quick guide gives you an overview of what to expect.
📌 Did You Know: Hungarian history and Black histories have more than a few connections? We share some of the connections for you in this special essay.

🇵🇱 Poland

Polish philanthropy is being urged to grow endowments to stabilize local nonprofits, which often face fragmented funding and high operational pressures. While the economy has grown, local civil society faces financial pressures from donor withdrawal, and endowments are seen as a way to build long-term sustainability. Only a small number of NGOs in Poland currently have endowments., but they are increasingly crucial to reduce dependence on inconsistent grants. The number of family foundations established to support causes via endowments is growing.

The social assistance system in Poland is undergoing a major shift toward deinstitutionalization— with greater focus on community-based care, neighborly services, and strengthening the role of social workers. This transition aims to move from institutional 24-hour care to tailored support in local environments for the elderly, people with disabilities, and individuals experiencing homelessness or other life challenges. By aiming to align the Polish system with European standards of social service provision, the transition focuses more on dignified life in the community rather than institutional isolation. The reform encourages particular cooperation between local governments and NGOs to deliver services effectively. The government is working on amendments to the Social Assistance Act to further facilitate these changes. Public comment is expected to continue until mid-May 2026.

The constitutional rule of law crisis in Poland has entered a new, more complex phase of institutional paralysis and deepening confrontation. The Donald Tusk-led coalition government (in power since late 2023) seeks to reverse judicial reforms made by the Law and Justice (PiS) party during the previous administration. The current government, however, has been unable to pass key reforms to the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) and the Supreme Court. That’s because conservative President Karol Nawrocki (elected 2025) has consistently vetoed or referred all related measure to Constitutional Tribunal, which in turn has invalidated them. The tribunal can do so because it is largely controlled by PiS appointees. Things intensified this month when the tribunal refused to recognize new judges elected by the current parliament. In response, the parliament simply opted to swear in some of the judges itself in defiance of the tribunal and the president. The government is now considering further “Plan B” options, such as bypassing the president via parliamentary resolutions— a move which critics warn could itself violate the constitution. The European Court of Human Rights has continued to adjourn hundreds of cases until November 2026. And the Venice Commission issued an urgent opinion in February 2026 regarding the status of these judges.

The 1.5% PIT (Personal Income Tax) donation scheme is a government initiative that allows taxpayers to designate 1.5% of their annual income tax, which would otherwise go to the State Treasury, to a specific Public Benefit Organization. It is a free, voluntary way to support NGOs (including charities, foundations, and associations) without any additional cost to the taxpayer. Fundacja Stocznia recently released a new interactive tool designed to inform the public and organizations about how the 1.5% PIT (personal income tax) donations flow. The tool shows the practical mechanics b practical mechanics behind the roughly 2 billion PLN that goes to social organizations across Poland annually. The tool is accessible at poltoraprocent.stocznia.org.pl .

💥 Professional power versus institutional authority— a central tension women in the Polish NGO sector are fighting.
🌱 Want to support good causes in Poland as an expat? Let our quick guide help you think through the giving process.
📌 Polish history and Black History Month? You bet we did. Our special essay takes you there.

🇸🇰 Slovakia

Just two days after the election results in Hungary, thousands took to the streets in Bratislava and other Slovak cities to protest Fico’s plan to eliminate mail voting for Slovaks living abroad. The protests opened with applause for Hungary’s election result ousting Viktor Orbán. Opposition leader Michal Šimečka framed the mail vote ban as deliberate voter suppression, noting that in 2023, nearly 59,000 abroad-based Slovaks voted by mail — with Fico’s Smer party receiving only 6.1% of that vote while opposition parties took over 80%. Postal voting in Slovakia was introduced in 2004, with the first elections conducted by post being the 2006 parliamentary election. Citizens with permanent residency abroad are eligible to vote only in parliamentary elections and national referendums, and only via postal voting. Mail voting isn’t just one option among several for Slovaks abroad — it is their only means of participation in parliamentary elections. Abolishing it doesn’t inconvenience them. It disenfranchises them entirely, except for those who can physically reach an embassy.

According to a report by the Civil Liberties Union for Europe, Robert Fico's government is deliberately and comprehensively undermining all pillars of the rule of law, escalating the conflict with European Union institutions, creating legal chaos through the overuse of abbreviated legislative procedures, and attacking independent democratic institutions, the media, and civil society. Via Iuris counts the many ways this shows up every day.

To say the Fico administration has no love lost for NGOs would be an understatement. Groups have had to weather a law challenging their legitimacy, their right to exist, and their ability to raise funds and provide services. Despite the law being significantly reined in by Slovakia’s highest court, the administration continues to brand NGOs critical of his policies with a broad pejorative brush. With state funding slashed and foreign support hampered, organisations have been increasing and expanding their grassroots donor bases through crowdfunding and small-giving programs — funding streams immune to the very tools Fico deployed against them. Coalition-building meant to survive the assault created organisational muscle that didn’t exist before. The ongoing attempt to delegitimise and isolate civil society just may have unified and strengthened it. Sometimes state pressure paradoxically produces a more resilient and resourceful independent nonprofit sector. Who knew?

💫 Women are doing heavy lifting for Slovak civil society. How great is the burden?
🌿 Today is a good day for expats to support charitable organizations in Slovakia. Use our quick guide as a reference.
📌 Slovak history includes Black histories. Our special essay opens the door to more.

Admin Notes

Business English for Social Impact works with NGOs, social enterprises, and nonprofit organizations with fundraising, grantwriting, organizational development, capacity building— and English-language communication skills. Since 2015, we’ve worked with social impact organizations in Central and Eastern Europe, the United States, and beyond.

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